Confronting Sextortion in Syrian Humanitarian Aid: Analysis and Policy Reforms

Fareed Fakhoury

September 2024

Abstract

In Syria, the breakdown of state institutions, the rise of armed non-state actors, and entrenched patterns of corruption have created an environment where sextortion thrives, disproportionately affecting displaced women and girls. This paper examines how sextortion operates within Syria’s humanitarian aid system, focusing on the systemic factors that enable it: fragmented governance, lack of legal protections, cultural stigma, and fear of reprisal. Particular attention is paid to the role of Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) and its affiliated networks in Syria, whose influence over aid distribution exacerbates the risks of sexual exploitation and abuse. Drawing on existing literature, field evidence, and policy analysis, this paper highlights how women are coerced into sexual exchanges to access necessities, and proposes a set of targeted, gender-sensitive policy recommendations aimed at preventing and addressing sextortion within the Syrian response. Addressing sextortion is not only essential for protecting victims and restoring the integrity of humanitarian aid but also for promoting accountability and justice in post-conflict Syria and similar conflict-affected contexts.

1. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Sextortion is an insidious form of corruption rooted in systemic issues such as fragmented power structures, weakened institutions, and the absence of a protective legal framework. In crisis settings, the most vulnerable, mainly displaced women, are left exposed to exploitation by those in control of aid distribution. This paper examines sextortion within the humanitarian aid response for Syria and proposes responsive policy recommendations.

Key findings:

· Sextortion exacerbates the suffering of conflict-affected women and undermines the overall effectiveness of humanitarian aid in Syria.

· Sextortion affects all levels of aid operations and has serious, long-lasting effects on women particularly and the community overall.

· Sextortion thrives in the lawlessness in conflicts and goes largely unreported due to social stigma, fear of reprisal, as well as lack of trusted reporting mechanisms.

Policy recommendations:

To address sextortion and foster long-term recovery in post-conflict Syria, this paper proposes three key recommendations

(1) Introducing comprehensive legal reforms to explicitly criminalise sextortion

(2) Establishing women-led anti-corruption community networks

(3) Setting up mobile legal aid clinics for women in remote and less stable areas

2. INTRODUCTION

Corruption has been a serious issue in Syria’s political and social landscape for decades long before the conflict. Hafez al-Assad, who seized power in a military coup in November 1970, built a state where a small circle of elites tightly controlled power. Under his rule, patronage networks flourished, and access to resources and opportunities was determined by loyalty, creating an environment where everyone: government officials, military officers and business elites were all connected through these patronage networks, which made corruption deeply rooted and, in fact, a way of life.

Everyday Syrians had to navigate a system where bribes and favours were necessary to get things done (Van Dam, 2011). When Bashar al-Assad took power in 2000, there was hope for change; however, governance and economic reforms meant to modernise Syria often benefited those close to the regime, creating a class of business elites who thrived on cronyism. Key sectors were dominated by those with ties to the ruling family and this’ ‘crony capitalism’’ further widened the gap between the rich and the poor and reinforced mistrust in public institutions which set the stage for more predatory forms of corruption that emerged as the country plunged into conflict in 2011, with power dynamics shifting and new opportunities for exploitation arising amidst the chaos (Heydemann, 2007). This deeply entrenched culture of corruption and cronyism that predates the conflict has persisted and evolved even into more insidious forms, such as sextortion.

The Syrian Conflict and the Role of Humanitarian Aid

The Syrian conflict has been nothing short of catastrophic. What started as peaceful protests against the government spiralled into a full-scale civil war. Once a country rich in history and culture, Syria became one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises as basic services collapsed and millions of people were displaced. In response, humanitarian aid poured in from around the globe. International organisations stepped up to fill the gaps, delivering aid to those caught in the crossfire. For many Syrians, this aid was a lifeline, but as the conflict dragged on, it became painfully clear that even the humanitarian sector was not immune to corruption.

As with any source of power, humanitarian aid ended up in the wrong hands: supplies were siphoned off, sold on the black market, or distributed selectively to reward loyalty or punish dissent. Among the actors exerting control over aid delivery, Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) and its affiliated armed groups have played a particularly influential role in parts of northwest Syria.[1] HTS’s control over local governance structures, including the Syrian Salvation Government (SSG), has enabled them to regulate the flow of humanitarian assistance, often leveraging it for political gain and financial profit. In such environments, the risk of exploitation is magnified.

Corruption in aid delivery not only undermined its effectiveness; it also deepened the suffering of those who were already the most vulnerable, particularly women, who became at the mercy of those controlling access to this much-needed assistance. In areas under HTS influence, displaced women have reported facing sextortion and other forms of corruption and Gender Based Violence (GBV) as they attempt to access basic services. In a conflict where survival is a daily struggle, even humanitarian aid becomes another battleground for power, control, and exploitation.

Policy Question:

How does sextortion within the humanitarian response in Syria affect women, and what policy interventions can effectively address this issue?

Purpose:

This paper explores the intersection of corruption and gender in humanitarian aid in Syria, analysing the systemic factors that allow sextortion to thrive while highlighting the stories of women affected. In addition to shedding light on this often overlooked issue, the paper proposes contextualised recommendations to address sextortion and promote gender-sensitive responses in post-conflict recovery efforts.

3. LITERATURE REVIEW

Humanitarian Aid and Corruption

Corruption within humanitarian aid, especially in conflict zones, is a widespread issue that has severe implications for both the effectiveness of aid and the lives of those who depend on it. When we discuss humanitarian assistance in countries like Syria, where conflict has torn the country apart, the presence of corruption is not just an inconvenience; it is a barrier to survival. Humanitarian aid, a lifeline for people in desperate need, can easily fall prey to corrupt practices, particularly in security and governance-fragile settings.

Many studies have highlighted how humanitarian aid often becomes entangled in corruption in conflict zones. In such environments, state structures are either weakened or non-existent, and power is frequently concentrated in the hands of armed groups or local warlords who control access to resources. According to a report by Transparency International (2024), corruption can take many forms in these settings, from the diversion of funds and supplies to demands for bribes or favours in exchange for access to aid, which results in aid being distributed based on connections or payments rather than on need leaving the most vulnerable even more exposed to hardship (Resimić et al., 2024).

In conflict zones, the complexity of the aid distribution process also creates opportunities for corruption, and the breakdown of typical governance structures means that oversight is often inadequate. The absence of strong institutions and the lack of accountability mechanisms make it easier for corruption to thrive. In addition, humanitarian organisations working in these settings often rely on local intermediaries, who may have their own agendas or be under the control of corrupt actors; as a result, it is more challenging to ensure that aid reaches those it is intended to help.

Another significant challenge is that humanitarian organisations are frequently forced to operate in environments where they must negotiate access with various armed groups or local power brokers. In these situations, aid distribution can become a tool for exerting control, and humanitarian actors may find themselves complicit in corrupt practices, albeit reluctantly. A study by Maxwell et al. (2011) on aid in conflict zones found that humanitarian organisations often face difficult compromises, balancing the need to deliver assistance with the risks of corruption and exploitation.

Conflict and Gender Dynamics

In conflict-affected regions, the breakdown of social structures amplifies existing gender inequalities, thereby exposing women and girls to heightened risks of exploitation, including sexual violence and corruption. Women’s roles as caregivers often intensify during crises, which naturally increases their exposure to public services where corruption is prevalent. As frontline responders for their families, they are more likely to encounter corrupt practices in healthcare, education, and food distribution sectors, where corruption takes on gendered forms, like sextortion: sexual favours are demanded in exchange for basic services (Merkle et al., 2020).

Additionally, in conflict, gender dynamics exacerbate vulnerabilities as women often find themselves excluded from decision-making processes. Power vacuums created by conflict enable armed groups and corrupt officials to control access to resources, leaving women at a disadvantage. Studies indicate that women face a disproportionate burden of corruption in conflict settings since their lack of economic power and limited social protection make them more susceptible to exploitation and abuse (Merkle et al., 2020).

Gendered Corruption

Commonly defined, corruption is “the abuse of power for personal gain” (i.e., Transparency International). In conflict zones like Syria, corruption often takes on cruel forms, with women bearing a disproportionate burden. In this regard, sextortion, a particularly destructive type of gendered corruption, happens when those in power demand sexual favours in exchange for services or resources. Unlike monetary bribery, sextortion, which thrives in environments of lawlessness and fear, targets a person’s dignity and survival, making it especially damaging.

Defined by the International Association of Women Judges (2012) as corruption that leverages sexual exploitation instead of financial gain, sextortion is pervasive yet often unreported due to shame, stigma, and fear of retribution. In Syria, where access to humanitarian aid is often controlled by local power brokers, women find themselves vulnerable to these abuses, as aid becomes a bargaining chip for sexual favours, with no protective legal system to resort to.

Research shows that women in conflict zones encounter corruption in deeply personal ways. Transparency International highlights that in sectors like healthcare and aid distribution, sextortion preys on women’s vulnerabilities: those in control, whether they are officials, aid workers, or armed groups, exploit their power over life-sustaining resources, forcing women into impossible choices (Resimić et al., 2024).

4. CONTEXTUAL ANALYSIS

Historical Overview:

Syria’s modern history is one of tight political control and deep-rooted authoritarianism. Hafez al-Assad, who seized power in a military coup in 1970, ruled for thirty years with an iron fist, centralising power within the Ba’ath Party and creating a regime reliant on patronage networks. His rule prioritised loyalty over competence, fostering a system where access to resources and opportunities depended on connections to the ruling elite. While the regime projected an image of stability, this came at the cost of political freedoms, with dissent brutally suppressed and corruption normalised at every level.

When his son Bashar al-Assad assumed power in 2000, there was brief optimism for reform as he introduced limited economic liberalisation measures; however, these primarily served to enrich a small group of regime insiders, deepening cronyism and increasing socio-economic injustice. The state’s grip on power remained firm, with political repression continuing under the guise of maintaining order and fighting the ever-present enemy: global imperialism. Thus, by 2011, Syria’s economy was plagued by widespread inequality, youth unemployment, and simmering public discontent, setting the stage for the mass protests that erupted during the Arab Spring.

The government’s violent response to these protests quickly escalated into a full-blown armed conflict, tearing the country apart. As the conflict intensified, Syria’s once-centralised state fragmented: different regions fell under the control of various actors, including the Assad regime, opposition groups, Kurdish forces, and extremist factions. This situation led to a war economy where control over resources became critical for survival.

In this war economy, Syria’s traditional industries -agriculture, oil, and manufacturing- collapsed, replaced by an economy driven by smuggling, extortion, and black-market trade. Warlords began to dominate local economies, seizing control of oil fields, looting factories, and smuggling goods across borders or areas of different control. The war turned Syria’s economy into a complex web of informal networks, where power shifted to those with access to resources and connections, often at the expense of civilians.

The Assad regime, despite losing control over large parts of the country, maintained its grip on vital economic sectors. Regime-linked elites, often referred to as oligarchs, controlled smuggling networks, monopolised foreign aid contracts, and exploited the country’s natural resources to finance the war effort. Meanwhile, in opposition-held areas, local leaders and armed groups developed their revenue streams, repeating the same story of extortion and manipulation of humanitarian aid (Resimić et al., 2024). Among these actors, HTS emerged as one of the most powerful and influential forces in northwest Syria. Through its military dominance and control of the Syrian Salvation Government (SSG), HTS established extensive influence over local governance and the humanitarian sector, imposing taxes, controlling border crossings, and regulating the flow of aid. HTS-affiliated networks have been documented as manipulating humanitarian assistance to consolidate power and extract financial gain, contributing to systemic patterns of corruption and exploitation.

This war economy is not just about survival — it is a system that has become deeply entrenched with corruption at its core. Fragmentation and collapse of state institutions created a space where corruption flourished unchecked. As the conflict dragged on, profiteering became a way of life for many, turning the war into a source of income for those who could exploit it, which gradually blurred the lines between what is legal and what is illegal. In territories under HTS control, this dynamic has been particularly acute, with women and displaced populations among the most vulnerable to abuse within this unregulated and predatory environment. The legacy of this entrenched corruption will complicate any future recovery efforts; it is a deeply embedded system that affects every aspect of life, from governance to humanitarian aid distribution.

Corruption Landscape: Humanitarian Sector and Evolution of Corruption During the Conflict

The war in Syria has created a chaotic environment where corruption has infiltrated every aspect of life. It has evolved into a complex system that permeated various sectors: smuggling, bribery, extortion, and embezzlement became kind of common practices driven by the need to finance military operations and maintain power. Armed groups seized control of local economies, exploiting resources like oil and agricultural products to fund their activities. Government officials as well were also implicated in these networks, benefiting from illegal trade and resource extraction.

Nevertheless, it is in the humanitarian sector that corruption has had some of the most devastating effects, as aid often fell into the hands of those who exploit it, thereby becoming a barrier to the very aid meant to provide relief. Local intermediaries, who acted as gatekeepers between international organisations and people in need, were often part of these corrupt networks. Whether linked to armed groups, government officials, or local elites, they could manipulate aid distribution for their own benefit. In some cases, aid distribution became a form of currency, where access to food, medical supplies, or shelter was bartered for favours (International Crisis Group, 2020). Thus, humanitarian assistance was no longer a lifeline for those in need but simply another battleground for control and profit.

Sextortion is one of the darkest forms of corruption to emerge in the humanitarian sector. Aid workers, local leaders, and even officials and public servants have been implicated in demanding sexual favours from women in exchange for aid. In these situations, many women were forced to choose between their dignity and the survival of their families; exploitation was enabled by a lack of oversight, the chaotic environment of war, and the immense power wielded by those controlling aid distribution.

Corruption has not been limited to armed groups and local power brokers: The sheer scale of the humanitarian crisis in Syria, coupled with the challenges of operating in a war zone, created opportunities for corruption at multiple levels — even within some international organisations, there have been allegations of aid diversion, fraud, and mismanagement (International Relief Committee, 2014). Though most international organisations have sought to implement strict monitoring and accountability mechanisms to combat corruption, the complex and dangerous environment makes enforcement challenging. The reality is that corruption in Syria’s humanitarian sector is deeply intertwined with the broader war economy, making it an incredibly difficult problem to solve.

Gendered Impact: How Corruption Affects Women in Syria

Women and girls have borne a heavier burden as the conflict has exacerbated existing gender inequalities, leaving them vulnerable to exploitation and abuse. As well, displacement and the collapse of social structures left many women as the primary caregivers for their families to take on roles they were unprepared for, including navigating corrupt systems to secure basics. For women in camps or informal settlements, corruption can be an everyday struggle: the need for food, water, and shelter puts them at the mercy of local power brokers, camp authorities, or even aid workers who may demand bribes, favours, or worse, sexual favours, in exchange for access to these essential resources.

Observers consider sextortion as GBV and a particularly insidious form of corruption in Syria. Vulnerable affected women are forced into compromising situations where aid is withheld unless they provide favours: their bodies. According to the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), this form of gendered corruption has been documented primarily where law enforcement is absent. Many women reported being asked for sexual favours in exchange for everything from food and medicine to permits and protection; however, the majority of these cases go unreported due to many reasons, which leaves many women trapped in cycles of exploitation (UNFPA, 2023).

Corruption’s gendered impact also perpetuates broader inequality. As women are forced to engage in corrupt exchanges to survive, they become further marginalised and trapped in positions of dependency. The very systems supposed to protect and support women became instruments of exploitation. It is a status of corruption normalisation in Syria’s war economy that entrenched these inequalities, making it difficult for women to find legitimate pathways to rebuild their lives.

5. SEXTORTION AND HUMANITARIAN AID CORRUPTION

Incidents and Evidence:

As power and desperation intersect, sextortion has become a grim reality in Syria’s humanitarian aid response. Women already vulnerable due to displacement and conflict were frequently targeted by those controlling access to aid. This exploitation, where sexual favours are demanded in exchange for resources, is a form of gendered corruption that has taken root in Syria’s fractured humanitarian system.

The 2023 report from the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Syria highlighted the widespread nature of sextortion in several parts of Syria, particularly in IDP camps where women and girls seeking necessities like food and shelter fell under the mercy of those distributing aid. In these camps aid distribution often fell under the control of local authorities or armed factions who leveraged their positions to extract all kinds of favours. In many camps, women without male protectors were given a stark choice: comply with these demands or face the prospect of hunger and deprivation (Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Syria, 2023).

A similar pattern emerged in findings from the IRC’s 2014 report. In areas such as Idlib and Aleppo, where local power brokers controlled aid distribution, many women reported that local and international aid workers used their control over resources to exploit them sexually. Syrian women who are displaced and lacking protection find themselves coerced into sexual relationships to secure food and medical supplies for their families. The fear of retaliation and lack of trusted reporting mechanisms left them trapped in these abusive situations (IRC, 2014).

In 2023, the UNFPA documented cases of sexual exploitation in the humanitarian sector in conflict-affected areas, particularly in displacement camps; women and girls were frequently asked for sexual favours in return for access to aid. Form of corruption that became pervasive to the extent that many women no longer feel safe seeking aid, fearing that they will be subjected to abuse, creating a cycle of exploitation because of fear and stigma attached to sexual violence (UNFPA, 2023).

The problem is not limited to local actors; even international organisations have faced allegations of abuse, where aid workers used their trusted authority to exploit vulnerable, in-need women, which again emphasises the systemic nature of the problem that affects all levels of humanitarian operations in Syria (Human Rights Watch, 2023).

Impacts on Women and Girls:

Sextortion is not just a violation of dignity; it is a human rights violation and an assault on a woman’s bodily integrity and every part of her life. The trauma from these experiences runs deep, leaving psychological wounds that linger long after the immediate threat has passed. Women who are forced into these situations find themselves battling anxiety, depression, and Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD). And let us be honest, seeking help is not always an option, as the attached stigma can be suffocating, making many victims feel like they have no choice but to keep silent. (Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Syria, 2023).

Physically, the consequences can be devastating: unwanted pregnancies, Sexually Transmitted Infections (STIs), and other health issues that arise from being forced into non-consensual sex. Now imagine dealing with this in a war zone where medical care is already scarce. The shocking reality is that these women are not only battling the aftermath of sexual violence — they are fighting for their lives in every sense (UNFPA, 2023).

Then, there is the economic impact. Many victims were already struggling to make ends meet before they were forced into these situations. Sextortion pushes them even deeper into poverty. It is not just about the immediate exploitation; it is about being cut off from opportunities, trapped in dependency. The economic ripple effects extend beyond the individual. Entire families suffer: children grow up in an environment where their mothers have been exploited, and that stigma sticks, affecting their chances and futures (IRC, 2014). It is a systemic problem that needs to be addressed from multiple angles.

Barriers to Reporting: Why Victims Do Not Report Sextortion

In Syria, with actual barriers to reporting sextortion, many victims have no realistic options for justice — first, stigma. In Syrian society, discussions about sexual violence, particularly involving women, remain taboo: victims of sextortion fear being blamed with concerns that their families or communities will view them as complicit rather than as survivors. The associated shame can be overwhelming, leading many women to stay silent rather than risk being rejected. This cultural stigma is compounded by the social pressures women face to protect their family’s honour, making it even harder to come forward (UNFPA, 2022).

Second, there is the fear of reprisal. Many of the perpetrators of sextortion are in positions of power; therefore, reporting is not just risky, it can be downright dangerous. Victims know that speaking out could lead to retaliation, including threats to their safety or the safety of their families, and where law enforcement is weak or non-existent, the fear of retribution is a powerful deterrent. Also, women may worry about losing access to aid if they refuse to comply or if they report the abuse, further complicating their already precarious situation (Human Rights Watch, 2023). Under HTS, these risks are even more acute. Victims face the added danger of retaliation not only from individual perpetrators but from an entire de facto governance system that lacks transparency or accountability. Reporting abuse committed or tolerated by actors linked to HTS can expose women and their families to severe retaliation, including arrest, intimidation, or forced displacement.

Finally, the legal system offers little protection. Syria’s justice system, which was already weak before the conflict, is now severely fragile after years of war. In many areas, courts do not function, and even where they do, corruption and bias can prevent women from receiving fair treatment. The Syrian legal framework does not address sextortion or even explicitly criminalise it, and broader GBV laws are either inadequate or poorly enforced. In territories governed by HTS-affiliated structures, there is no independent legal recourse for survivors of GBV or sextortion; rather, the very actors responsible for abuse often dominate both informal and formal mechanisms of governance and justice.

6. POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS

Considering the realities and complexity of the Syrian context and being realistic in our recommendations, we hope that by grounding the recommendations in what is feasible and culturally appropriate, we can make a meaningful impact in addressing sextortion and fostering long-term recovery. The following three recommendations are the three pillars of a policy recommendation package meant for decision-makers in Syria’s post-conflict phase:

1) Legal Reforms:

Recommendation: Introduce comprehensive legal reforms to explicitly criminalise sextortion in Syria’s legal framework, define sextortion as a distinct form of corruption, establish penalties for perpetrators, and guarantee protection for victims, including anonymity and legal support.

Rationale: Sextortion thrives in environments where the legal system does not explicitly recognise or address it. By criminalising sextortion, Syria can start to build a legal foundation that deters perpetrators and encourages victims to come forward.

Implementation Strategy:

Ø Work with local legal professionals and international partners to review existing Syrian laws on corruption and use the findings to draft amendments -or new legislation- that explicitly criminalise sextortion;

Ø Use existing legal channels, such as local councils in stable areas, to gradually advocate and push for these changes;

Ø Collaborate with local law enforcement agencies to create specialised training programmes focused on recognising and addressing sextortion, handling cases sensitively, as well as protecting victims;

Ø Engage influential religious and community leaders to endorse the reforms and reduce cultural resistance.

2) Establish Women-Led Anti-Corruption Community Networks:

Recommendation: Form women-led community networks supported by training programmes to empower women with the necessary skills to identify, document, and report corrupt practices locally. Naturally, cultural sensitivity should be a key consideration, along with tailored outreach and training to ensure local norms are respected while empowering women to challenge corruption.

Rationale: Women’s leadership in anti-corruption measures in post-conflict contexts is pivotal to rebuilding trust in public institutions. Therefore, empowering them to lead anti-corruption initiatives significantly bolsters community resilience. Actively involving them in governance, and peacebuilding as well enhances transparency and accountability, ensuring that recovery efforts address the needs of all community members (UN Women, 2018).

Implementation Strategy:

Ø Identify potential women leaders and offer culturally sensitive training sessions on corruption identification, documentation, and safe reporting;

Ø Develop accessible, anonymous, secure reporting channels with low-tech solutions, such as designated women’s spaces or SMS-based hotlines;

Ø Invest in informal women’s support networks, building on existing trust, to expand and formalise them into anti-corruption watchdog groups;

Ø Partner with trained local security forces to protect whistleblowers.

3) Mobile Legal Aid Clinics

Description: Deploy mobile legal aid clinics to deliver essential legal support to women in remote and less stable areas.

Rationale: In Syria, legal help for women is often inaccessible due to conflict and cultural barriers. Here, mobile clinics can bridge this gap by directly assisting victims and at-risk women where they are to seek justice.

Implementation Strategy:

Ø Collaborate with legal organisations to staff and run the clinics with existing aid efforts;

Ø Train staff on handling gender-specific corruption cases with sensitivity and confidentiality;

Ø Conduct awareness campaigns to inform women about the clinics through local networks to build trust;

Ø Train local paralegals to continue providing support after the mobile clinics leave.

A phased approach is necessary if we want these policies to be both effective and sustainable. It makes sense to start with pilot projects in more stable areas where the legal institutions are stronger in order to spot any potential issues early on and fine-tune our approach before rolling it out on a larger scale. At the same time, it is important to set up continuous feedback loops. By gathering input from everyone involved, especially local communities and those who rely on this aid, we can monitor the real-world impact and make any necessary tweaks and improvements along the way.

7. CONCLUSION

This paper has introduced analysis and findings that underscore the urgent need to confront sextortion in Syria’s humanitarian aid system and highlight how this form of gendered corruption preys on the most vulnerable women bearing the brunt of the exploitation. The systemic factors that allow sextortion to thrive, such as fragmented power structures, weakened institutions, as well as lack of legal frameworks, have deepened the suffering of those already devastated by conflict, and the evidence presented makes it evident: addressing sextortion is not only necessary for effective humanitarian programmes and protecting vulnerable women and upholding the dignity and rights of people we serve, but also for building a foundation of integrity and accountability, vital for Syria’s long-term recovery.

Particular attention must be paid to the role of armed groups, particularly the HTS, whose territorial control and influence over local governance and aid delivery mechanisms in Syria have exacerbated the risks of exploitation and abuse. Without accountability in areas dominated by HTS and similar actors, efforts to combat sextortion will remain severely hampered. Addressing the governance dynamics in these contexts is therefore essential to any comprehensive anti-sextortion strategy.

Beyond Syria, these findings have broader implications for humanitarian and anti-corruption efforts in conflict contexts. Sextortion is a serious issue that requires targeted, gender-sensitive interventions within humanitarian systems. In any form, corruption undermines the purpose of aid, but sextortion goes further by directly attacking the integrity and safety of those it aims to protect. This report calls for all stakeholders, particularly policy and decision-makers, to work together to integrate anti-sextortion measures into broader anti-corruption frameworks; by doing so, we can protect those in need today and lay the foundation for more just and accountable aid systems in future crises.

The path forward is clear: With comprehensive legal reforms, empowering women-led anti-corruption networks, as well as setting up mobile legal aid clinics for at-risk women in remote and less stable areas, we can dismantle the systems that allow sextortion to persist in Syria. For these efforts to succeed, international actors and humanitarian stakeholders must also develop strategies to mitigate the risks posed by non-state armed actors, most notably HTS, ensuring that aid reaches those most in need without enabling further abuse. Addressing this issue is critical, not only for the victims but also for the credibility and effectiveness of humanitarian aid as a whole.

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[1] For an in-depth analysis of HTS’s governance and role in NW Syria, see Fakhoury, F. (2022). Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham: From an Insurgent Group to a Local Authority. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/1057610X.2022.2082833