potentialNational Integration

But at the same time the preconditions for Punjabi dominance were strengthened, by loosing the main potential counterweight, Bengal. his trademark, along with socialist sounding speeches. But he also was a feudal brutal Mobilization of the poor masses of Pakistan, for the first time in its history, became Bhutto originated from Sindh and aired a distinct anti-establishment rhetoric. This was the time of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto’s rule. It was full of contradictions. Balochi frustrations with the central governments increased, Bhutto ordered a landlord, and had been a Minister in General Ayub Khan’s government. When from democratic to repressive and authoritarian, weakening his social base military campaign to crush the insurgency. Also his political style every soon moved considerately at the end of his rule. When the army finally overthrew him in 1977, there was little resistance. socialist or Islamist. But while Bhutto (for being a Sindhi himself) had social managed to mobilization and populist rhetoric to integrate what was left of Pakistan after 1971, After Shaheed Zulfikar Ali Bhutto had tried a mixture of repression, Presidents heavily relied on ideology to sustain their respective rules, but in both vis Afghanistan which produced considerable amounts of US foreign aid. Both performance proved more important than political rhetoric, no matter whether cases their hold on power weakened after a few years. Lack of the Government’s integrate Sindh closer into Pakistan (while completely alienating Balochistan), Zia democracy and for provincial/ethnic autonomy went hand in hand. Zia’s rule saw Restoration of Democracy” was by far strongest in Sindh, and again, the desire for saw Sindh turn into a hotbed of opposition to martial rule. The “Movement for one additional and quite dangerous development: the rise of the MM in Karachi had strongly supported the Jamaal-e-Islamic(HI), the main Islamist party, founded by and urban Sindhi in general. Until the middle of the 1980s, most Armchairs in Karachi any Maudlin. It was less religious radicalism, but the fact that I was perceived as “ant “Islamic Nation” theory that justified Pakistan’s existence. From 1986 a newly of the local ethnic groups, and of all social groups most strongly believed in the ethnic” and pro-islamic. The Muhajirs coming as refugees from India did not fit established Party gained momentum, the MQM, Mohajir Qaumi Movement (renamed into Muttarhida Qaumi Movement in 1997). It was an exclusively Muhajir party of secular, middle class orientation. Rumour has it that Zika ul-Ha's Islamist government had a hand in setting it up, to subvert the power of the main opposition party, Benghazi Bhutto’s OPP in Sindhi. This cannot be confirmed, but the result was exactly that, as its existence led to a civil war in Karachi. The struggle for power between the Muhajirs and Sind his in the province of Sindh became one of the major destabilising factors in Pakistan, arresting economic development in the country’s main commercial and industrial center.

The governments of Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif (each with two terms modernist garb, but performance was generally worse than that of their predecessor in office between 1988 and 1998) lacked any ideology. They both tried to appear in governments. Both Nawaz Sharif’s and Benazir’s terms have been characterized by excessive corruption, involving Benazir’s husband and Nawaz personally, and his uniting features of both Prime Ministers, while they waged political war against family. Free market policies, political opportunism plus financial greed were the each other for personal domination of the political system. Corruption, the still prevalent power of feudal landowners, and the permanent power games of the political elite all contributed to paralysis in the political system, and to under-cw in economic development.