Dalits & The Britishers : A Saga of Pain and Gain

On March 22, 2024, during an election campaign speech in Rajkot in Gujarat, Union Minister and Rajkot BJP candidate Parshottam Rupala unwittingly triggered outrage when he praised the Dalits at the expense of the Kshatriyas or Rajputs. Commenting on British rule, Mr. Rupala said, “Even kings and royals bowed down to the British, started family bonds with them, broke bread with them, and even married their daughters to them but the Dalit community did not budge. I salute them for their fortitude and strength.” While his half-baked statement rightly earned the ire of the Kshatriya community, the statement about Dalits stonewalling the British rule in India is also not completely factual. Through this article, we aim to explore the equation between the Dalits and Britishers in India through the lens of benefaction.

Dalit Recruitment in the British Army

Recently released movie Captain Miller (2024) has its plot revolving around a character called Analeesan “Eesa”, a Dalit villager, who is struggling with the agony of caste discrimination and thus, decides to join The British army against the will of his family. When Eesa is inducted into the British army, he is not only given a uniform and equal opportunity in the force, but also gets the title of “Miller”, due to the British not being able to pronounce the birth names of the soldiers. When he looks at himself in the mirror, he swells with pride because the Britishers have emancipated the status of a Dalit by inducting him in an army like equals. This scene broadly touches upon the initial style of working during British Raj, where Dalits were welcomed in mainstream, cutting across the native social constructs; that underpins how mutual benefaction was the first and foremost equation shared between the Dalits and the Britishers.

In the years before the Revolt of 1857, the Mahars of Western India were probably the most heavily recruited section of the British Army. The British also recruited at various times: Bhils, Santals, Mhairs, Moplas, Ahirs, Minas, Christians, Kolis and other scheduled castes and tribes. After the Revolt, the Army was reorganized. The Chamar recruitment from the Bengal Army was substantially reduced and were replaced by another untouchable caste, the Mazbhi Sikhs. However, the colonial military policymakers who, in the post-1857 revolt, formulated lists of characteristics, which allegedly separated one community from another, for the purpose of identifying so-called ‘martial races’ from which Indian soldiers could be recruited.

After the First World War, the Mahars were again banished from Indian Army, only to again recruited during the Second World War. Against this policy, on 18 June 1941, Dr B. R. Ambedkar raised the issue with British colonial administrators by writing a letter, in which Ambedkar said, “Without the help of the untouchables the British would never have been able to conquer India.” By citing the battle of Koregaon and the role played by Mahars in it, Ambedkar argued for a greater inclusion of the ‘lower castes’ in the British Army in his letter. As a matter of fact, Bhimrao Ambedkar, the man who gave us the Constitution of India, was the son of a subedar (Sergeant) in the British Indian army.

The Awadh police force, for example, had a large component of Pasis, Bhungis, Chamars and Dhanuks, who participated in the suppression of the 1857 revolt. It thus appears that Dalits did not have much to gain and only something to lose by being active allies in the 1857 revolt. In fact, Jyotiba Phule congratulated the Mahars for aiding the British in suppressing the 1857 revolt.

The Parayars of Madras were ‘menial servants’ of the British, but during the Siege of Madras, they assisted the army as soldiers, and died by the hundreds. This is documented by TP Kamalanathan in ‘Scheduled Caste’s Struggle for Emancipation in South India’ published by ‘The South India Sakkya Buddhist Association’. In his book, Kamalanathan refers to an application submitted by ‘Depressed Classes Community people’ to the Government of the East India Company in 1810. Signed by 44 Parayars, the application is to request the government to exempt them from a tax being forced on them in 1810. But the application also recounts how the Parayars served the British towards their victories during Siege of Madras in 1758–59 by defending Madras from the fast-approaching French forces led by Count Lally.

“Not fair to forget the people who helped to construct the empire on Indian soil”, Rettaimalai Srinivasan, the iconic Dalit leader who participated in the Round Table conferences with British in 1931–32 representing Depressed Classes, apparently told the colonial rulers on their face. Srinivasan who attended the conference with another iconic Dalit leader B R Ambedkar had this strong point to make. It was indeed the depressed class, specifically the Paraiyar community, which stood shoulder to shoulder with the British as the British East India Company waged one war after another to augment their colonial gains in India in those initial years of the 18th century.

Young Indian Dalit, giving flowers to British settlers, in India. Engraving, 1880.

Britishers as Agents of Social Change for Dalits

The Dalits perceived the colonial government as a benefactor in their struggle, and found ways to secure such benefits from the colonial authorities that would eventually relieve them from the oppressive caste system. A set of laws and provisions paved a way for socio-legal equality for the Dalits, which built more confidence in Dalit-British relations. The East India Company passed the Regulating Act of 1773, where the judiciary was based on Equality before law that iterated the absence of any special privileges in favor of any person. By this law, capitalist Bengali Brahmin Nanda Kumar Dev was hanged on 6 may 1775 in case of forgery. This attested that Colonial Judiciary was aimed at treating all the Indian subjects equally, cutting across the boundaries of caste & class privileges.

In 1795, through Article 11 Britishers made a law conferring equal rights of property to Shudras.

In 1813 all the persons including lower castes were given the right to education and slavery was finally banned.

In 1817, all the castes of Hindus were made equal subject to the same punishment (uniform civil code). Before 1817, provision of punishment was on the basis of Varna. There was no provision for punishment to Brahmins and the Shudra was punished severely. Britishers made equal provision for punishment.

In 1819 by article 7, brides of Shudras were freed from wretched customs like “purification” (spending first 3 nights with priests). It was banned by colonial government. Earlier, the tradition called for ‘purification’ of the Shudra women after the marriage of a Shudra bride, where instead of going to her husband’s house, she was supposed to go the house of a Head priest and ‘serve’ him at least three nights.

In the 1829, Devdasi (Jogini or Matangi) tradition was banned. Earlier, Shudras used to donate their daughters to temple for ‘serving’ Priests. Priests in the temple used to exploit them sexually and throw out the children thus born. The children so born were called Harijan. Similarly, another custom was also banned wherein birth of a child from the Devdasi and Brahmin priest shall not be named ‘Harijan’.

In 1830, human sacrifice was banned. Traditionally, to appease gods and goddesses, Priests used to sacrifice Shudra men and women banging their heads in the temple. The colonial law freed the Dalits from this agony.

In 1831, all the discrimination on the basis of castes and color in the government services was made illegal.

An army officer of the East India Company, J J Molesworth, who first mentioned the word Dalit in a Marathi-English dictionary way back in 1831. It was also used by radical reformer Jyotiba Phule and recorded for contemporary use and for posterity by the British.

In 1833 by Article 87 discrimination in govt services was banned. Ability was made the basis for service and provision was made that nobody should be discriminated on the basis of place of birth, religion, caste or complexion.

In 1834, first Law Commission was constituted. Its main aim was to make laws rising above the feelings of caste, Varna, religion and region.

In 1835, the tradition of ‘Gangadan’ was banned by the Britishers. Earlier, priests and puritans had made a rule that the first baby boy born to Shudra parents should be thrown into the river Ganges.

in 1835, Shudras were granted right to sit on the chair by colonists.

On 7 March 1835, Lord McCauley made the education policy as the subject of state where he made English as the language of higher education. This exposed the Dalit children to a worldview with access to English education. In fact, British education nurtured lower-caste thinkers like Mahatma Phule and Dr B.R. Ambedkar who articulated devastating critiques of varna ideology.

In 1849 J.E.D Baton opened schools for girls. In 1854 Britishers opened three universities in Calcutta, Madras and Bombay. In 1902 the University Commission was constituted.

On 6 October 1860 Britishers formulated Indian Penal Code. Lord McCauley set free the Shudras who were shackled and implemented uniform criminal law irrespective of caste, Varna, or religion.

In 1863, Charak Puja was restricted. Earlier, under this custom of Charak Puja, Shudras were put alive in the foundation raising big buildings, which was stopped by the Britishers.

Britishers started caste-based census in India since 1871. This continued till 1941. SC ST OBC enumeration census was also commissioned in 1931.CF Magrath, leader and author of a monograph on the 1871 Bihar census, wrote, “that the now meaningless division into the four castes alleged to have been made by Manu, should be put aside”.

Britishers created Ryotwari System and made the registered land owner as the real owner of the land. In 1918, Britishers sent the Southborough Committee to India. Upon prodding by Shahu Maharaj, the leader of backward classes Bhaskarrao Jadhav, and the leader of untouchables, Dr. Ambedkar gave memorandum to the Southborough Commission for representation to their people in the legislature. Finally, the Southborough Committee came to give representation to all castes in the legislature.

1928 Begari tradition was banned which afflicted Dalits the most.

In 1935, equal rights and identities of marginalized sections were confirmed which became foundation for the democratic Constitution.

It clearly highlights that the Dalits perceived the colonial government as a benefactor in their struggle, and found ways to secure such benefits from the colonial authorities that would eventually relieve them from the oppressive Indian caste system.

Dalit Voice finds Colonial Ear

Interestingly, Dalit poet Hira Dom’s poem “Achhut Ki Shikayat” written in Bhojpuri language is not presented to God, it is addressed to the English gentleman, because apparently, the attitude of the British towards Dalits was comparatively positive and cooperative.

Dalits were the first to form mass organizations, based on modern social justice ideas, to secure social and political rights in Tamil Nadu, as early as the second half of the 19th century (Geetha and Rajadurai 2008: 54). Dalit organizations presented numerous petitions and memorials to the British authorities to request them to adopt beneficial policies for Dalits and make amends for historical injustices meted out to them.

Selection to the Indian Civil Services (ICS) in British India was carried out through competitive exams held in London alone until 1921. From 1860 onwards, there was a demand from several quarters in India to hold the exams simultaneously in India and the UK (Compton 1967). However, the Dalits resisted this demand owing to their apprehension that such a move would allow Brahmins and Bengalis to monopolise administrative services, and allow further subjugation of Dalits (Srinivasan 2017: 49–50). In such context, the Paraiyar Mahajana Sabha (hereafter, the Sabha) of Tamil Nadu vehemently opposed the demand, and secured a favorable response from the British.

Land Ownership to Dalits

The British government, on the basis of an 1891 report on the subhuman living conditions of “Pariahs” by James H.A. Tremenheere, Acting Collector of Chengleput, assigned 12 lakh acres of land for distribution to the “depressed classes” of the Madras Presidency to empower them socially and economically by passing the Depressed Class Land Act 1892. These later came to be known as “panchami” lands (land belonging to “Panchamars” — “the deprived”). (Today, any land that is given to Dalits under various State and Central governments’ social welfare schemes is also called “panchami” land.)

Patronage to Dalits

M. Nagloo, a Dalit hotelier during British Raj, rose from obscurity to become a prominent figure in late 19th century. His biography, written by his son, M.N. Venkataswami, is perhaps the first Dalit biography written in English. It challenges conventional historical understanding in Dalit studies, which presumes that before Ambedkar, there were no significant scholarly articulations and writings by Dalits. British officials’ patronage helped Nagloo overcome the caste disadvantage (untouchable status) and got him clients from caste Hindus who were native rulers. The first chief commissioner of Central Provinces, Richard Temple, helped Nagloo expand his business by providing free lands, clientele, and the much-needed encouragement.

Political Quid Pro Quo

BR Ambedkar, the founder of the Scheduled Castes Federation, had played a crucial role in obtaining a status of political minority for Dalits from the Britishers. BR Ambedkar had secured “separate political recognition” for Dalits from the British at the Round Table Conference of 1932 — an earlier attempt to negotiate India’s constitutional future. This promise fell apart eventually.

Role of Religious Emancipation

The linkages between missionary activity and British colonialism were complex and intricate. The English East India Company, though it employed chaplains for its own servants, merchants and soldiers, was at first hostile to missionary activity. This hostility stemmed from the fact that, as a commercial enterprise, the Company could only hope to succeed by accommodation to indigenous social and cultural traditions, including religion. It feared that brash evangelical efforts might give rise to violent reactions, creating political instability and threatening vital commercial interests. A change came about in the early nineteenth century after pressure was put on the British government by missionaries and returned civil servants such as Charles Grant, who argued that the propagation of Christianity, far from endangering British interests in India, would produce obedient citizens and strengthen the foundations of the empire.

Pre-Independence Initiatives to demolish untouchability Christian missionaries took the lead in adopting the cause of the Depressed Classes seeking to provide welfare for them. In 1936, the British ruled that “no Indian Christian shall be deemed to be a member of a Scheduled Caste”, which freed them from age old shackles of caste immobility.

Conclusion

In light of socio political conditions, the role of Britishers towards the Dalits can largely be termed as emancipatory but it cannot decimate the role of those Dalit nationalists, who fought against British rulers. The alliance formed between The Dalits and The Britishers in India was based on mutual benefaction as well as Britishers’ notion of the ‘White Man’s Burden’: although painting a binary of who were the allies and who all were foes, is not that simple, as harped by the likes of BJP’s Purshottam Rupala.