The story of Rwanda: Horror, shock and revitalization.

1. Before the storm
2. Introduction

Africa is a place the majority of the world has scorned over. Painted as a scene of violence, war, sickness, and starvation, it is the place where seemingly no one wants to go. But this is somewhat a generalization: while there are countries like Somalia in genuine disarray, not every single country is consistently in such a state of terror. For instance, there is Botswana and Rwanda: the latter we are analyzing, the former saved for another time. But Rwanda, though one of the best countries in Africa for a very, very long time has been marred with a tragic past of its own: for the road to success is often paved with misery and hardship. Today, we evaluate the political tension of Rwanda that caused unbearable suffering for the millions of Rwandans for years, and how somehow, against all odds… the will of the people and a genuinely benevolent dictator overturned that. However, view with discretion… as there will be upsetting content.

1. Before the slaughter

I. The Revolution

The Hutu and the Tutsi lived in relative peace. They were different tribes, but had similar expressions of deity and monarch leadership. That all changed in the Berlin Conference of 1884, where Europe annexed the majority of African nations. Germany got sole control of Rwanda and Burundi, and the missionaries there spread racially divided and false rumors about the Hutu being inferior to the Tutsi due to genetic differences. This consistency after colonization soon made the divide once quelled by centuries restart, and amplify throughout the centuries.

During German and eventually Belgian colonization (after the land was annexed by Belgium), the Tutsi and Hutu’s hierarchy continued to widen. The Tutsi were given more land, more resources and such to thrive because they were seen by colonists as the superior race, and the Hutu less because they were seen as racially inferior. The Tutsi owned a monarchy under Belgian rule with a Tutsi majority and a Tutsi King, and eventually this wore out the Hutus.

Examples of the Hutu and Tutsi being segregated in the Belgian Empire were “identity cards” created to separate citizens. A citizen would get a 8-page ID that would show their picture, date of birth, age but most importantly their tribe. A Rwandan above 18 was forced to show their ID or would face a whipping. Soon, people proudly wore their ID’s, and one with a “Hutu” ID would begin to shun a “Tutsi” one merely by looking at the card.

This would eventually lead to tremendous civil unrest and eventually the kindlings to a full-blown revolution. The Hutu counter-elite with revolutionary figures like Joseph Gitera, who advocated for advancement of the poor, quickly aimed to abolish the monarchy. Also, within the Catholic Church, leaders took sympathy to the struggles of the Hutu and began voicing criticism of the Belgian regime. Also, seminaries began being formed in the Rwandan territory, aimed at educating Hutu people, giving them social mobility never seen before. And as the Hutu gained more power, they began becoming more vocal.

At first, it was mostly political tension exclusively. But in 1959, Dominique Mbonyumutwa, a prominent Hutu activist was attacked while attending Sunday church. He was punched several times before fending the attackers off and returning home with minor injuries. However, Hutu news ignored this and said Mbonyumutwa had been killed in the incident. This basically severed the last of the relations between the Hutu and the Tutsi, and a civil war began.

Eventually, Belgium sent Guy Logiest, who was socially democratic and thus favored the Hutu’s rise for power. The Hutu with the help of Logiest defeated the Tutsi in the coup of Gilerama, causing Kigeli to flee the country and Rwanda to create a democratic republic. The Belgians also fled the country as well as a sizable portion of pro-Tutsi activists. But the story isn’t over. It was just beginning.

III. Coup and Dictatorship

The Hutus now had a majority of the government, with their party Parmehutu revising the referendum to suit their needs. Tutsi counter-revolutionaries were practically wiped out, and would not return for another two decades. But there was infighting even amongst this Hutu majority. Soon, even Hutu moderates were sought out and purged amongst the party, and Northern/Southern Hutus formed a dislike for each other. At the time, the Prime Minister of Rwanda was Southerner Gregoire Kayibanda.

Kayibanda was considered a very poor leader by the Northerner Hutus, because of various reasons. One reason was communism. Parmehutu was founded on the principles of democratic socialism, and Kayibanda disliked this. He formed good relationships with the Republic Of China while criticizing Maoism and the Chinese Communist Party, and also supported the United States and the UN. He also gave praise to Belgium, as in his words, although they did have their flaws, he said. However, that acknowledgement was insufficient. Communist divisions in PARMEHUTU threatened to secede if Kayibanda continued to criticize communism. Soon, resentment reached an all-time high.

Minister Chief Of Staff Juvenal Habyarimana, a prominent military figure overthrew PARMEHUTU members with the backing of the rest of the Army. The coup itself was bloodless and quick, with PARMEHUTU quickly out of power: but now Habyarimana took office and the moderate (or considered by historians, far-right) party Mouvement révolutionaire national pour le développement (MRND, National Revolutionary Party For Development) with Southern Hutus entered.

The party gained absolute power, as other parties were banned. Term limits were also banned, and elections were significantly rigged in Habyarimana’s favor. Juvenal was a complete dictator, and Rwanda a military dictatorship: but no problems really arose until the Rwandan Civil War.

IV. The Civil War (P1: Hutu supremacy)

Pre-1989, coffee prices were regulated by the ICA (International Coffee Agreement), making it 1–1.5 dollars per pound. However, countries chose not to renew this agreement because the U.S, the primary country leading this agreement had Ronald Reagan in office. Reagan was very free-market and “Reaganomics” and despised regulation. Thus, he pulled the U.S. out of renewing the agreement. Other countries also soon followed suit. Now, coffee was free-market, and now coffee farmers received lower wages because regulation had ceased to exist. Less wages meant less working, less working meant less production, and the price of coffee plummeted to $0.5 a pound.

Rwanda was a major exporter of coffee and had become quite prosperous due to it. Now, that source of income was slashed. Habyarimana was in big trouble, and had to depend on the prosperous akazu clan for money. The akazu, of course, took advantage of this, and Habyarimana had to cope with their demands or risk a giant deficit. Habyarimana also cut the national budget as the akazu grew less and less receptive and more and more demanding, causing poverty rates and unemployment to increase and dissatisfaction to increase as well. France recommended Rwanda to move to a democracy, but Habyarimana refused. His refusal highlighted corruption within the Rwandan government, and also a dictatorship, and people began awakening to this reality. Demonstrations and student protests began taking place at giant cities within Rwanda, particularly the Capital city Kigali, which killed at least one person. Protests led to more and more unrest and eventually the formulation of a war.

Also, the RPF was founded in Uganda. It was a group of people united against Tutsi discrimination by the regime of Milton Obote (who deserves an separate article all to himself). They had drawn significant criticism from Obote after they disputed the highly rigged election in which Obote took power in 1980. Rwandan Tutsis were sent to isolation camps (not too different than concentration camps) where they joined the RPF in a quest for freedom. Tutsis also gained prominence in the Ugandan army due to primary leader Paul Kagame being high-ranking in the Army and being a Tutsi (leading Tutsis to follow in his path). They eventually crossed the Rwandan border with weapons, and soon incited a war.

Habyarimana soon requested aid from France, Belgium and Zaire to drive the rebels back into Uganda. There was gunfire in Kigali, the capital, allegedly staged by the Army, showing the French danger was “imminent”. Thus, 600 French soldiers were deployed, plus parachutists who started swarming around the Capital and the Airport to defend against a further RPF advance. The Belgians initially came with goodwill, but they heard of alleged arrests and murder happening to the Rwandan people by the President’s army. Facing international scrutiny, the Belgians withdrew. The Zairians came and fought the RPF firsthand, but then started to pillage Rwandan villages. Their discipline, in other words, was extremely poor. Habyarimana kicked the Zairians out almost as soon as they entered.

However, soon the battle became lopsided, The RPF was divided on what had exactly killed him, as no one confessed to the murder, and no evidence from autopsies ever pointed to anything: but the most important thing was, the leader was dead. Morale reached an all-time low. The Tutsis wanted to give up: food and everything was low and the French plus the Army were simply far too disciplined. It was over… or was it?

IV. The Civil War (P3: Grassroot tactics)

The RPF was back in the game with Kagame’s leadership, as it started raiding many government-controlled cities, freeing prisoners and setting governmental structures to ruin. The state of “no war” ended abruptly, and Rwanda’s Civil War resumed, bloodier than ever. The RPF began by using quick, guerilla tactics to quickly storm into Rwanda, and the Rwandan army countered by putting posts down the Virunga mountains: but they could never directly attack the army because the mountains had conditions too brutal to withstand for the soldiers. The Rwandans mostly attacked many different areas at once in tiny numbers, as in head-to-head combat they were outnumbered. They gained limited success, however the Rwandan army was formidable enough to stave them off. Neither side had a giant advantage.

However, Habyarimana eventually announced that democratic elections would take place in Rwanda, and he allowed multiple parties to take office. Progress was slow but eventually effective, with some opposition taking up key positions. The opposition members and Habyarimana decided to go for a cease-fire in Arusha, Tanzania. War had ceased. Or had it? Paul Kagame thought not, and soon pulled out of the cease-fire.

IV. The Civil War (P5: Countermeasure)

Paul Kagame officially said extremism and violence was the reason for pulling out of the cease-fire, but the suspected reason is that he wished to garner sympathy from the international world for Tutsis and to further weaken the current extremist pro-Hutu army with more fighting. This time, resistance was poor as coffee and natural resources had been crushed by the constant warring, which destroyed the value of the Rwandan Franc. Thus, the government entered a economic spiral, which put morale to a minimum. Also, new recruits were extremely undisciplined and were more concerned with drink and gambling than actual fighting, which threw the overall state of the military into cacophonous disarray.

RPF soon advanced effortlessly into the mainland, taking cities left and right. Victory seemed like it was almost imminent. Despite the French adding forces and supplies, it was useless as the RPF’s morale was so high, and they conquered ten cities within the time of weeks. Soon, Kagame won a effortless victory and negotiations began in Kampala.

IV. The Civil War (P6: 2nd ceasefire)

Last time, Kagame was not deferrent enough towards all parties, which led to violent revolt. He had learned his lesson. Kagame decided to compromise by giving back the pre-February territory the RPF had taken, but emphasized that the Rwandan army was strictly not to enter RPF-occupied zones. RPF extremist factions said Kagame was overly deferring to the Rwandan army and Hutu extremist groups said he was making unreasonable demands. The demands were unpopular, however they were the most effective to be made at the time, as it led a further meeting at Arusha to arise.

The RPF wanted parity in the new government, with Hutus and Tutsis equally represented in powerful positions, the military, and in general life. Habyarimana was stalling, frequently slow to progress, but throughout the course of several months he finally agreed. On August 3, 1993, Habyarimana signed the accords that would lose him power: but gain him respect. The Tutsis had returned, the Hutus had got what they wanted. Was it over? No. From here, the true genocide, the true story of suffering, has only begun.

Part 2: Causes of genocide

I.) Hutu Power

Hutu Power was a extremist pro-Hutu group (as one could guess from the name) that stressed a massive segregation between Hutus and Tutsis and Hutu supremacy. Their set of principles were set from the Hutu Ten Commandments published years ago, and they were repeated constantly by Hutu activists who stressed the need to abide. In addition, violent sentiment by this group began to increase. It grew to dehumanization of the Tutsi, calling them inyenzi, or cockroaches (although this was also a name the RPF used to label themselves), saying they were in need of an “ethnic cleansing” and “final solution”, and said that Hutus must stop showing mercy towards Tutsis and promptly “rid” of them. There was massive anti-Tutsi sentiment that soon fell into mainstream media (more on that later). Meanwhile, Hayrimanda was relentlessly criticized for compromising with the Tutsis. Hutu Power said he was demonically possessed and also conspiring with the Tutsis to ruin Rwanda. Juvenal Habyrimana, once the war hero of the Rwandans, would soon meet a very abrupt and momentous end.

II.) Habyrimana’s doom

In April, 6,1994, Habyarimana boarded a private Dassault 50 jet with twelve other passengers. The plane in final approach circled over Kigali International Airport once, in visible, clear blue skies. It seemed as if it was yet another routine flight, as the President frequently traveled on airplanes. But what happened next changed arguably the course of Rwandan history. A surface-to-air missile fired from an unknown location struck the wings and the tail, causing all control to instantly be lost. The plane rained down like a fireball and exploded on impact, instantly killing all 12 passengers on board, including the Presidents. It was an assassination attempt few could see coming. But the consequences of the attack… were horrifying, but unfortunately, perhaps even coldly, predictable.

III.) RTLM

Felicien Kabuga, one of the wealthiest men in Rwanda and a proven entrepreneur, decided to counteract Radio Muhabura by creating Radio Tèlèvision Libre Des Mille Collines . He also decided to weaponize Hutu Power on a more national scale, and spread the ideas of the Commandments to Hutu peasants and commoners. After all, Radio Rwanda was becoming increasingly non-partisan: it had started out with anti-Tutsi sentiment but had over the years begun to avoid bias and talked less about cultural issues. This was without a doubt the factor that caused it to lose popularity, and how extremist networks like RTLM were welcomed rather than condemned by a public thirsty for extremism.

The RTLM was extremely violent in the rhetoric it had spread, and blatantly genocidal. Hundreds of radio transmissions made calls for extermination, calling for a grave war, a final solution and dangerous enemies who were not truly Rwandan that should be killed promptly before they corrupted the youth and the Rwandan ideal. An example is a song frequently played, which emphasized how “God” was just for making the “cockroaches” no more, and how one should “rejoice” for that. There were many other songs that followed a similar tone, emphasizing the need to kill “cockroaches” and how they were “useless”. This intensified in pace from 1993 to 1994, to the point where three-fifths of all broadcasts made were about opinions of the Tutsi ethnicity, and how prominent hosts began to constantly talk about massacring Tutsis with machetes, knives and firing squads.

So if RTLM was so extremist and brutal, why and how could it have been so successful? Clearly it was not the only source of radio: Radio Rwanda was, after all around then and still today. However, as stated above, Radio Rwanda was becoming non-partisan. In addition to that, it was also too uptight and formal: anchors in formal clothing would give bland, scripted reports of weather or sport scores or other topics that did not excite the public. RTLM was different. People could call and freely express their opinion, crude humor and music was used extremely frequently, and the tone used was conversational, with hosts talking about personal details like what they did for the day. The easy-to-follow bit somewhat made the blatant cruelty easier to follow for Hutu peasants.

Part 3: The Genocide

II.) Genocide

Genocide would begin almost immediately after Habyarimana’s death. Leaders of all prefectures were called, notified of Habyarimana’s killing, and to immediately begin ordering the killing of Tutsis. As most prefecture leaders (besides Batera) were hard-line Hutu extremists, and rabid supporters of Hutu Power, these commands were followed with ease. Within just a few hours, prefecture leaders immediately began declaring on radio that Habyarimana was killed by extremist Tutsis, and that any neighbor, friend or family member (as Hutus and Tutsis often interbred during that time) who was Tutsi was to be killed immediately, using any tactic possible. People instantly complied.

Why did people comply? Well, there were multiple reasons. One, as already gone over, was the rise of RTLM. RTLM’s blunt, yet progressive method of inciting violence had slowly built up a sense of paranoia and hatred in the country that could not be accomplished with immediate threat. See, if it was just one call of violence, likely RTLM would be deemed too extremist. But there were hundreds of such instances, gradually ramping up in strength and fervor, which gradually solidified the beliefs of people until they were wholly convinced. The second reason was Rwandan tradition. In Rwanda, it is considered honorable to follow the orders of one’s superiors. Yes, murder was a extreme order: but an order nonetheless. It is given verbally by a superior, no different in tone than “go clean your room” or “go do your homework”. People then obeyed despite the violence, as they were merely accustomed to doing so for smaller tasks.

Worst of all, the foreign powers did nothing to stop it. France tried to evacuate citizens and cease the war with troops of its own: but their efforts were minimal and not nearly enough to curb such an excessive zest. UN peacekeepers were sent in, but they were understaffed, underfunded, and practically abandoned by the UN because of a lack of enthusiasm in the interference of foreign affairs: indeed, the UN was heavily criticized for a lack of action. The UN Peacekeepers did save thousands of Tutsis, but it was too small-scale to be considered meaningful. The US considered jamming RTLM, but it was considered antithetical to free speech. After all, the US had been pro-free speech and pro-expression since its inception, and jamming radio would go against that. One could say hate speech is not free speech, but that was not the angle Americans took on that. So issues went unresolved, and killings increased.

People were being inhumane, but perhaps the most chilling part was the structure of such inhumanity. In most cases, it was close friends or family pitted against one another: cousins, father-son, childhood friends, once inseparable, had one hunting down another, rifle loaded with fully murderous intent. In one instance, a survivor remembers his next-door neighbors, a happy family who once always invited him, calling his name and firing semi automatic bullets at him to no end. And to add bitterness to a gashing wound, this was happening everywhere: relationships were destroyed and slaughtered in every inch of the country seemingly without end. Butare was only the place that temporarily went against the norm as the leader was not a hard-liner: however, the leader was fired promptly and replaced with a hard-liner: disaster followed not soon after that. Soon, everywhere in Rwanda, there was disembodied corpses, cities reeking of decomposing bodies, and skulls as well as other shattered bones lying around in streets. It was as if one had taken a journey to hell on Earth.

However, it is important to note that Hutus were also affected in the genocide. A sizable portion of Hutus were killed for suspected support of moderate parties, merely looking Tutsi, or potentially being a journalist. All people, Hutus and Tutsis were forced to carry their identity cards at all times, although people with “Tutsi” would be slashed with machetes at government checkpoints. Even people with Hutu could be killed if they were journalists. Perhaps the truly harrowing aspect of the genocide was that although Tutsis were targeted, nobody was safe. It was depravity at the highest level left unchecked. Butare, as mentioned earlier, was an exception as the people did not want to kill, or were indifferent: the militia intervened by personally flying helicopters of troops to gun Tutsis down. Killings would rage on for 100 days: until Paul Kagame decided enough was enough.

II.) Kagame’s resilience

1 day after the killings began, on April 7th, Kagame warned the UN and Hutu hardliners that peace would no longer be an option if killings were to be resumed. UNAMIR strongly was against war, but Kagame refused to relent. Not long after, the RPF began a counterattack to the South, from the Tanzanian border, capturing Gitaro easily and secured the whole Rwanda-Tanzania border. Kagame was pressured into ending the war multiple time, but each time his response was that war would not end until the genocide had done so. He eventually successfully conquered most reasons, including Gitarama and area around Kigali.

Days after, Kagame spent the rest of his efforts trying to capture Kigali, having gained the momentum and new soldier recruits from Burundi to do so. His men were still outnumbered by the government, but Kagame had an advantage that the RPF was more focused on fighting than genocide, and moved swiftly enough for the government to be unable to concoct a response. Eventually, it was too much for the government to take: on July 4th the government surrendered, and two weeks later were banished to Zaire, where a new civil war had begun. Regardless of that, something once inconceivable happened: the genocide, the suffering, the unspeakable act had finally ended.

Part 4: Revitalization

I.) Justice

Initially after the killings had ceased, trauma ran high, as evident by a high percentage of people being hospitalized for mental disorders like Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder. However, as the shock ran off, it was replaced by a sense of unjustness, as people felt as if the people perpetrating genocide were not amply dealt with. Dealing with people who had committed war crimes, however, would be a tall order: nearly one million people (1/5th of Rwanda’s population) were somewhat culpable for genocidal conspiracy, killing or sympathy. And there were only 50 judges left in Rwanda, as well as 9 official courts as most lawyers were killed in the genocide. The task of bringing everyone to justice was heavily requested, yet even in an affluent country like the United States, for instance, it would be nigh-impossible.

In 1996, trials for genocide began under the Gacaca court system. Gacaca courts, meaning “Small grass”, were participatory and community-based, meaning people of a certain community would try criminals within that community. Discussion and outsider participation was encouraged, while a judge was elected and trained to preside over discussions and ultimately lead an agreed verdict. Gacaca courts were more efficient than official ones, however they faced criticism of downplaying potential RPF violence, having judges untrained, and coercion of juries to give certain biased results. Therefore, they were closed promptly in 2012, but not before trying over 1 million people.

The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda was then established in 1994 to try higher-ups responsible allegedly for genocide. It was co-created by the Rwandan government and the UN, and consisted of four chambers, three to hear cases and one to hear appeals. Over 61 were tried, the majority sentenced to life imprisonment for crimes against humanity and genocide, and cases continued until 2015. In 2020, Felicien Kabuga, the founder of RTLM was finally tried at the Hague for hate speech: he was found guilty and was imprisoned. It is perhaps a sense of catharsis for those who lost family members or friends in the killings: however Paul Kagame or the RPF was not tried at all for potential crimes. This left Hutus with a sense of anger, and is perhaps a sign that not everything has been completely resolved.

II.) Healthcare

Rwanda in the past had historically poor healthcare, as they have spent next-to-nothing on it and had a fully centralized program government-owned. President Kagame when taking over decided to reform the system by uniting people under a universal insurance program funded by tax money: people of all districts were expected to donate a portion of tax money to the healthcare fund, depending on wealth: the poorest did not have to donate, the richest had high copays and were expected to donate the most. In addition, the poorest could draw from the fund for free: meaning people were entitled to free, but not entirely public healthcare as the government has minimal interference and regulation in hospitals. It is simultaneously a universal free healthcare and free market program, allowing hospitals to compete economically and fairly.

Kagame has also focused an increased amount on healthcare, allocating 6.5% of the GDP rather than 3% in 1994 to it, and also created anti-malaria and anti-STD programs that help combat the HIV/AIDS, Malaria and STD epidemic that is currently widespread in Africa. All Rwandan hospitals are equipped with basic medication and equipment. People with basic issues will be referred to a prefecture-level hospital, which is sufficient for simple illnesses like the common cold, the flu, and a sprain: people with more severe issues will be referred to a national hospital, of there being four, the most advanced King Faisal Hospital, which contains advanced CT’s, MRI’s and surgical tools. It is safe to say that for now, Paul Kagame has changed the previously backwater-like state of healthcare in Rwanda to a force to be reckoned with.

III.) Law & Order

Rwanda has kept a good system of law and order since the genocide has ended. Immediately after the genocide ended, 1000 colonial-era laws were reviewed and scrapped, of some being pro-segregation, others being that alcoholic beverages had to be consumed immediately after being purchased, ending turbulent traditions of the past. Rwanda also has limited hate speech following the genocide, in order to not create a second ideation of RTLM: people denying genocide, inciting potential genocidal actions, or attempting to divide Hutus and Tutsis by racial standards is firmly illegal. One may argue that censoring free speech is immoral, one may argue that it is necessary, but one thing is certain: after new laws have been established, a RTLM-like network or supremacist movement has not started. In that regard it has been a success, if only for a while.

IV.) Sustainability

Kagame was dedicated to improving many parts of Rwandan culture, including sustainability. A part of his idealistic Vision 2020 plan to improve it was to regulate climate change and the environment. Before, excess plastic bags clogged drainage systems, caused toxins to flow into rivers killing wildlife, and eventually ran off into crops hindering the economy. When Kagame stepped in, he saw that this area required radical change: so manufacturers were required to consider alternative material, stores and restaurants switch or pay a fine, and tourists to not bring plastic bags or risk punishment. Within years of this enactment, plastic bags have completely disappeared from Rwandan life, and the streets are clean, agriculture no longer at a standstill. Besides plastic bags, Rwanda also creates other laws like no littering, no greenhouse gasses and other strict regulations that have bought climate change to a near-minimum. Kagame’s use of effective regulations has cured an issue that has before plagued Rwandans to an unhealthy extent.

V.) Economy

In recent years, Rwanda’s economy has prospered, becoming one of the best in Africa and one of the fastest-growing in the entire world. The gain cannot be solely attributed to Kagame alone: after all, shortly after the genocide, global superpowers outpoured millions of dollars in humanitarian aid. Even today they continue to assist Rwanda, and will continue doing so until they are entirely financially independent. However, the country is healing quickly. Vision 2020 states that Rwanda will make a significant advancement towards the economy, reducing subsistence farming, and increasing education rates to make more people able to work in high-end jobs.

In 1996, Rwanda posted a 13% growth rate primarily by investing in more ethical, higher wages for coffee and farmers. Before the genocide, wages for coffee had been its lowest, causing the majority of farmers to quit and coffee production to reach a all-time low. As coffee is a major commodity, this downturn perhaps was one of the biggest factors of economic ruin. Fair trade and a balanced system of harvest bolstered harvest from 40000 to 14 million tons, a staggering development. Additionally to coffee, coltan and other mineral ores increased production as factories were reopened and built to be more effective as time passed. Government also created law reform to fix corruption and cronyism in the economy, and this centralization towards improving the economy has caused Rwanda to reach new heights.

Rwanda now has a literacy rate above many other African countries, factories nearly at mass production, laptops for school children, and natural resources now produced using streamlined, tried-and true methods. It is undoubtedly a success story… but was the benefits worth a genocide? The easy answer is “absolutely not”. After all, genocide has no positive consequences, and it was disastrous for all sides. But the aftermath was more prosperous than if Habyarimana or Sindikubawbo had continued leading for Rwanda. Of course, they would have likely been overthrown without the event of genocide… but in tragedy, people tend to rise up and recover. Genocide was unequivocally, completely awful, but strong leadership bought a state of increased prosperity. Perhaps the lesson is that when tragedy on a mass scale happens, it will inevitably lead to losses, but it is the eventual response, the leadership that ultimately counts. If leadership is ineffectual, the tragedy will exemplify. Only with strength, courage and dignity, can a country like Rwanda recover from the horrors it has faced. And for that… Paul Kagame showed with his economic prosperity, high wages and fast reform what a true leader should act like. We hope you have enjoyed every sentence of this article and do look out for future ones.